Dhaka: Since the July–August mass uprising, conflicts over various issues between BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have surfaced in the past five months. Debates and analyses in the political arena are ongoing regarding how these disputes will affect future politics and elections. A review of statements from leaders of both parties in recent months suggests that a new political dynamic may emerge in their relationship, especially in light of the upcoming national elections.
For nearly 22 years, BNP and Jamaat were political allies and electoral partners, but this relationship has since dissolved. in 2022, the relationship between the two parties weakened when the 20-party alliance was dissolved. However, following the 5 August student uprising that led to the fall of the Awami League government, BNP and Jamaat now find themselves in a contentious position with each other.
Some political analysts believe that with the absence of Awami League in the current political landscape, the two parties have become direct rivals. They argue that the stronger Jamaat’s position becomes in the electoral field, the greater the conflict with BNP will grow. Others view this as a new political trajectory emerging after the fall of the Awami League government in August.
Bangladesh Liberation War, BNP, and Jamaat
After the 5 August political changeover, analysts are studying statements of Jamaat’s amir and BNP leaders. It appears BNP is positioning itself in a “neutral” stance regarding the Liberation War and national sovereignty. Meanwhile, some political activists evaluate that Jamaat’s leadership has been emphasizing the August 2024 uprising over the Liberation War, which some see as an attempt to downplay their role in 1971.
Jamaat leaders, however, argue that they view both the 1971 Liberation War and the August 2024 uprising as people’s movements against oppression. Nonetheless, Jamaat’s recent actions indicate that their goal is to create a parallel political position that transcends the pro- and anti-independence divide in the country’s politics.
Historically, Awami League has branded Jamaat as an “anti-independence force.” It has already become clear that it will not be easy to conceal Jamaat’s role during the Liberation War. Even senior leaders of BNP have brought up Jamaat’s actions in 1971, criticizing the party as “Razakars” (collaborators) and anti-independence. After BNP’s senior joint secretary general Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, the party’s standing committee member Major (Retd.) Hafiz Uddin Ahmed also spoke on the matter.
At a discussion on 9 January, Hafiz Uddin Ahmed questioned Jamaat’s stance on their 1971 role, suggesting that they should apologise to the public rather than justify it.
Prothom Alo talked to several Jamaat leaders regarding the matter. It became apparent that, in the changed context, they are unable to accept the recent statements of BNP leaders. However, Jamaat-e-Islami’s nayeeb-e-ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher does not consider the recent remarks by some BNP leaders on the Liberation War to be the party’s official stance.
Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher told Prothom Alo, “We consider BNP to be a sufficiently intelligent party. They will not be able to corner Jamaat on the 1971 issue—there are people in that party who understand this. BNP is a unified party, with people from different roles in 1971, freedom fighters, and people from both the right and left.” Taher believes that if BNP moves away from this stance and tries to create a divide between pro- and anti-independence positions, the people will not respond positively to it.
Discord-agreements in the open
After the 5 August uprising, BNP and Jamaat became embroiled in public disputes, particularly over accusations of ‘grabbing’ and ‘extortion’. These disputes have now escalated to discussions about the 1972 constitution. Jamaat wants fundamental changes to the 1972 constitution, while BNP is calling for reforms but does not want to completely abolish it. Jamaat is hesitant to fully open the political door to the Awami League, whereas BNP prefers to leave that decision to the people but has not clarified the process.
Similarly, BNP did not support the efforts of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement to remove president Mohammad Shahabuddin over controversial remarks about the resignation of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina. On the other hand, Jamaat covertly supported the movement to remove the president.
Additionally, BNP is in favour of quickly holding elections after completing the necessary electoral reforms. In this regard, Jamaat’s position is also seemingly the same. However, Jamaat does not want the elections to be rushed. The party wants to complete the fundamental reforms first before holding elections. BNP opposes proportional representation in elections, while Jamaat supports it.
BNP is against updating voter lists door-to-door, whereas Jamaat supports the idea of updating the voter lists door-to-door.
BNP is opposing the interim government’s chief advisor professor Muhammad Yunus’ statement about lowering the voting age from 18 to 17. The party sees this as a strategy to delay the elections. However, Jamaat supports the idea of lowering the voting age to 17, arguing that it would allow young people to become voters.
Mahmudur Rahman Manna, the president of the Nagorik Oikya (Citizens’ Unity), a partner of the Ganatantra Manch (Democracy Platform) formed after the dissolution of the 20-party alliance, believes that the disagreement between BNP and Jamaat is “not a good sign.” He told Prothom Alo, “After the fall of fascism, when discussions have emerged from all over the country about rebuilding democracy and various internal and external challenges are arising, unity is needed among everyone. At such a time, it is unfortunate that debates have escalated over many issues that should have been settled.”
The political context of their disagreement
The growing rift between BNP and Jamaat can be traced back to the party’s past strategies. BNP’s decision to distance itself from Jamaat was partly driven by efforts to improve relations with neighboring India and erase the negative image that had developed around their alliance. This began in 1999 and culminated in the dissolution of their alliance in 2022, leaving Jamaat frustrated and angry.
Political analyst Professor Mahbubullah said due to their prolonged joint movements and alliance, there was a campaign against BNP claiming that they had surrendered to Jamaat or merged with them. As a result, many referred to them as ‘BNP-Jamaat.’
“Now, I feel that BNP might be considering, and Jamaat might also be thinking, that they need to clarify their distinct identities to the public,” he added.
Regarding the current hostile relationship between BNP and Jamaat, Mahbubullah said, “What is happening now, I would consider it to be quite temporary.”
After the ousting of the Awami League government in the 5 August 5 uprising, the situation has completely changed. Several events have made it clear that BNP does not have a very strong relationship with the leadership of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee or the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. In contrast, there is visible goodwill between the anti-discrimination student leaders and Jamaat, along with other Islamist groups. BNP believes that this could increase as the upcoming election approaches. For these reasons, it is believed that BNP’s distance from the anti-discrimination student movement’s leaders is gradually growing.
This growing distance is reflected in the statements of BNP leader Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury. He told Prothom Alo, “The anti-discrimination students have openly revealed that they are actually from Chhatra Shibir.”
However, the coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, Hasnat Abdullah, disagrees with Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury’s statement. He told Prothom Alo, “In the anti-discrimination student movement, along with the general students-masses, leaders and activists from both Chhatra Dal (BNP’s student wing) and Chhatra Shibir have played important roles. If we are called ‘Shibir’ because of Chhatra Shibir’s involvement in the movement, then BNP’s student organisation, Chhatra Dal, would also be considered part of ‘Shibir.'”
Jamaat’s goal
Currently, political activists and analysts believe that if elections were held, BNP would have the highest chance of coming to power as the single largest party. In this scenario, the question arises as to who will be the main opposition party. It remains unclear whether the Awami League will participate in the upcoming election.
After the fall of the government on 5 August, a large portion of the Awami League leadership, including Sheikh Hasina, fled or went into hiding. Many are facing murder charges. This has created a vacuum in Awami League’s politics. Jamaat hopes that this vacuum will remain until the elections, which they believe could give them an advantage in securing more seats in parliament. This is the goal that Jamaat has been actively working towards in the past two months.
Jamaat leader Abdullah Mohammad Taher believes that there is never a void in mainstream politics. Existing political parties will fill that gap. He told Prothom Alo that due to Awami League’s 15-year role, the party has lost appeal among the general public. He added that those who supported fascism within the party have fled, and those who did not are now aligning with the “two major parties.”
A question now arises about whether, in the event of a vacuum created by Awami League’s absence, Jamaat or Islamist groups will rise significantly if BNP comes to power. While BNP’s policymakers have not publicly stated their stance, they likely want Awami League to somehow remain in the elections to ensure a credible election process.
In this context, Jamaat and the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement have different positions. Jamaat demands the trial of Awami League, while the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement supports banning the Awami League. BNP leader Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury clarified their stance, saying, “Our position is clear, we are not in favour of banning anyone. If I believe in democracy, then there is no alternative to elections.”
The recent contrasting positions of BNP and Jamaat have been called by their leaders as ‘differences of opinion’ or expressions of their respective party perspectives. However, political analysts believe that, as the situation unfolds, these ‘differences’ may eventually escalate into a severe conflict.
In the end, Professor Mahbubullah believes that if the two parties maintain their opposing positions and go to the polls, they will both be harmed. He said that Awami League’s participation in the upcoming election remains unclear, and even among those involved in the movement, there is increasing discord. A significant portion of their voters and supporters overlap, so it is uncertain how their relationship will evolve by election time.
